In recent days, Bangladesh has seen student protests in many parts of the country, especially on university campuses. The protesting students have valid reasons to protest against a quota system they find highly unfair and discriminatory.

A significant 30% of the well-paid and massively oversubscribed Bangladesh Civil Service (BCS) posts are reserved for the family members of those who fought during the liberation war of 1971, and another 10% for women, 10% for districts, 5% for ethnic minorities, and 1% for the disabled. This leaves only 44% of the jobs for merit-based applicants, who make up roughly 98% of the total applicants.

Critics of the quota system argue that it benefits children of pro-government groups who support Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. They allege that the system incentivizes and weaponizes party politics in the government sector. They also claim that the flawed system has allowed religious and ethnic minorities, who represent less than a tenth of the population, to hold disproportionately three to four times their share of government jobs under the Hasina administration.

This discriminatory system is allegedly maintained as part of a series of appeasement policies adopted by the current government to stay in the good graces of Narendra Modi, whose Hindutva majoritarian policies have made the lives of non-Hindus miserable in India. Critics also accuse Bangladeshi courts of rubber-stamping decisions made by the Awami League government.

Supporters of the quota system, on the other hand, argue that it is necessary to promote and sustain a pro-liberation mindset. They see it as a reward for the sacrifices and contributions of freedom fighters and as a means of promoting diversity and secularism in Bangladesh.

They also believe that such pro-minority policies may positively influence the mindset and behavior of religious bigots in neighboring India and Myanmar. After all, nearly a million Rohingya people have been pushed out of Buddhist-majority Myanmar since 2017.

Similarly, two hundred million Muslims have effectively been made second-class citizens or aliens in Modi’s India since 2014. (This subject is covered in my upcoming book – "Modi-fied India: The Transformation of a Nation" – to be published by Peter Lang, U.K.)

Interestingly, not all freedom fighters favor the quota system any longer. Many say that it has outlived its utility half a century after the liberation of Bangladesh. Some see it as an insult to their patriotism, asserting that they did not participate in the war with the intention of being rewarded or that their descendants would benefit from their service. As true patriots, they wish to see the discriminatory quota system abolished, enabling a merit-based selection process in government jobs.

Another pertinent fact in this debate is that the list of freedom fighters was completed only in 1996, 25 years after the liberation of the country. As a result, although the 30% quota for freedom fighters was first introduced in 1972, many could not avail themselves of the benefits when it was necessary.

In 1997, as the number of those claiming quota positions dwindled, the government extended the quota to the children of freedom fighters. In 2010, it was further expanded to include the grandchildren of freedom fighters. According to Minister for Liberation War Affairs Muzammel Haque, only about 5% of the applicants in the last five BCS exams came from freedom fighter families, of which about half passed the written test. Thus, according to him, in most cases, the 56% quota was hardly ever filled to its specified figures.

What needs to happen with a system seen so negatively by many in Bangladesh? To be sure, there were no more than 200,000 freedom fighters in 1971, whose family members today cannot exceed a small percentage of the overall population. The same is true for ethnic minorities. It is not difficult to understand why the protesters are so upset with the quota system, which they find unfair and discriminatory. It is disheartening for many graduating students who see a bleak future awaiting them after years of education.

For many young people in Bangladesh, facing an acute job crisis, this is a bread-and-butter issue. While Bangladesh has made much economic progress under Sheikh Hasina's leadership, with per capita income surpassing India’s in 2021, much of this growth has come from the ready-made garment (RMG) export sector, which absorbs only a handful of university graduates, and not from other industrial and commercial sectors requiring a large, educated workforce.

As noted in an earlier article, Sheikh Hasina's government has been aware of the quota problem for some time. Back in 2018, after weeks of protests, her government canceled the 56% quota for the civil service's first- and second-class jobs (while keeping the 56% quota intact for the 3rd and 4th grades).

Sadly, on June 5, 2024, following a writ petition filed by the descendant of a freedom fighter and six others, the High Court in Dhaka declared the government’s decision illegal, sparking renewed fury from the student community and job seekers. Students launched protests earlier this month with a four-point demand, including the reinstatement of the 2018 government circular. They blocked major highways and railway lines.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina condemned the student protests, saying the matter had been settled by the court. "Students are wasting their time," Sheikh Hasina told female activists within her own party on July 7 before her official visit to China, adding there was "no justification for the anti-quota movement."

The protesting students and job seekers obviously don’t agree with her statement and want a permanent solution to the discriminatory quota system. They are not opposed to reserving 5% of jobs for ethnic minorities and disabled people.

They have vowed to continue their protests, the so-called ‘Bangla Blockade’ program, until their latest demand – for a law passed in parliament that outlaws the discriminatory quota system – is met. This time they have also taken their grievances to the Supreme Court.

Based on a petition filed on July 10 by two Dhaka University students challenging the High Court verdict, Bangladesh's top court has temporarily suspended quotas for coveted government jobs. However, this temporary measure is not acceptable to the protesters. After a one-day break, student organizers announced a nationwide blockade on July 11. Many teachers have also joined these protests, forcing the academic activities of many universities to a complete halt.

As we have seen in the past, these protests are viewed by the ruling Awami League (AL) party as anti-government agitations encouraged by the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).

Minister Obaidul Quader said, “If anyone tries to give the protests a political shape, we’ll face it politically.” Home Minister Kamal also threatened to use force to curb any violence.

At Comilla University, police chased students and opened fire, while in Chittagong, they used batons against protesters. Amnesty International expressed concern over reports that at least 20 people, including students, were injured in the police crackdown.

Tear gas was used on protesters in various cities, resulting in some injuries, further worsening the situation. The organizers are determined to continue their protests until their legitimate demand is met.

Experts have long known about the adverse effects of a discriminatory quota system that may not allow the best candidates to be selected for government jobs. In the corporate world, there is a saying that the 1’s hire the 1’s, empowering them; the 3’s hire the 5’s to create a cadre of sycophants who won’t challenge them; and when the 5’s are in power, it is not a matter of why but when that corporation is gone.

What is true in the corporate world is even more true for a state, especially in the age of the Internet where there is no room for mediocrity. Simply put, mediocre minds do not and cannot think brilliantly and hire and promote poorly to avoid being challenged. This puts the state on the wrong trajectory when, to survive in a fast-paced and highly competitive global economy, it needs a talented workforce to plan and execute various programs effectively.

If the Hasina government is serious about positioning Bangladesh successfully in the global arena, it needs to promote meritocracy. Nor should it be oblivious of the old saying: the politics of Bengal is in reality the economics of Bengal.