The Rohingyas of Arakan of Burma (Myanmar) have been the repeat victims of genocidal crimes perpetrated by the Buddhist majority in their native land.

They were a forgotten people until their most recent exodus – a forced and violent one, which I must emphasize – to Bangladesh in 2017. 

Nearly a million of Rohingyas took refuge in Bangladesh. These refugees are still living in two camps of Cox’s Bazar with little hope of ever being able to return to their homes. Unlike their past encounters with genocidal pogroms, esp. in the late 1970s and early 1990s that witnessed the exodus of nearly a quarter million Rohingyas each time to the nearby Bangladesh, this time, thanks to the Internet and social media, the entire world took a close notice of their plight.

They plainly saw unfathomable savagery and genocide committed by the Buddhist people of Myanmar against a peaceful people who happened to be different by religion, culture, and ethnicity.

Despite the worldwide condemnation of such hideous acts, the so-called civilized world failed to react until a tiny nation in West Africa took the lead crying out foul – loud and clear – for everyone to pay attention. It is The Gambia with a population of just about 2.5 million people.

On 11 November 2019, The Gambia, on behalf of the 57 members of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), filed a case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) alleging that Myanmar failed to fulfill its obligations to prevent and punish acts of genocide committed against the Rohingya in Rakhine State as required under the Genocide Convention.

In response, the ICJ issued an order on 23 January 2020 directing Myanmar to “take all measures within its power” to prevent the commission of acts defined in the Genocide Convention, including ensuring that its military and any irregular armed units refrain from committing these acts. 

The Court also ordered Myanmar to “take effective measures to prevent the destruction and ensure the preservation of evidence” related to the ICJ proceedings, and to submit regular reports concerning the measures it has taken to comply with the order.

In February 2022, the ICJ heard Myanmar's four objections challenging the court's jurisdiction and Gambia's legal standing to file the case, as well as Gambia's response. In its ruling, the court unanimously rejected three of Myanmar's objections and rejected one by a vote of 15 to 1.

On December 21, 2022, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 2669 (2022) on the situation in Myanmar with a vote of 12 in favor to none against, and 3 abstentions (China, India, and the Russian Federation).

The Council demanded “an immediate end to all forms of violence throughout the country.” It urged the Myanmar military “to immediately release all arbitrarily detained prisoners, including President Win Myint and State Counselor Suu Kyi.” 

Sadly, despite such orders from the ICJ, very little has happened to redress the grievances of the Rohingya people. Just as the case with Israel’s genocidal crimes against the Palestinian people have once again revealed, it seems that if the criminal nation has a Mafia boss to shelter it inside the UN Security Council, it can afford to dodge the bullet and remain ‘untouchable’.

Such a dismal picture of our Kabilite world of mayhem where murderous criminals go scot-free while the weak are denied justice has left me bewildered, doubting if the Rohingya people will ever see justice, restoring their inalienable rights.

The interim government of Bangladesh, headed by Nobel Laureate for Peace, Dr. Muhammad Yunus, which came to power in August 2024 after a mass uprising, is actively seeking international support to assist the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and facilitate their dignified return to Myanmar. 

The government's lobbying has led to the UN General Assembly’s Third Committee to unanimously pass a resolution on November 20 titled “Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar,” calling on the secretary-general to convene the conference in the first half of 2025. The UN resolution is significant as it keeps the crisis in the global spotlight, especially since there is no current international dialogue on the matter.

The root of the Rohingya problem owes in part to the citizenship issue, which must be part of any negotiated deal. The Rohingyas have been denied that status since the time of General Ne Win. The Rakhine Buddhist leadership of Arakan has been a party to this major crime. In a sinister plot, the Rohingyas were denied all the rights, enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 

Amanullah’s first book – The Citizenship Issue of the Rohingya & Myanmar’s Policy of Denationalization, published by the Rohingya Center of Canada (2023) – discusses how Burma’s military (Tatmadaw), the backbone of all governments since independence, has pursued varied and evolving strategies to reduce, remove, replace, relocate and otherwise destroy the Rohingya people.

The state’s strategies ranged from framing the Rohingya as ‘British colonial-era coolies’ from the present-day Bangladesh who came to British Burma only after the 1820s to painting them as potential Islamists, intent on importing terrorism from the Middle East. 

The author discusses how the 1982 Burma Citizenship Law violated the Nu-Attlee Agreement in matters pertaining to citizenship of Burma. He also discusses at length the politics with the various types of ID cards that victimized the Rohingya people.

His second book, A History of the Rohingyas to 1948, published in 2024, and printed in Chittagong by Swopnil Design & Printers – supplements the first book by dealing with the history of the Rohingya people from ancient times until Burma’s independence from the Great Britain. 

Digging through the primary sources, the author establishes the case that the Rohingyas were the Bhumiputras of Arakan. He discusses the Muslim massacre in 1942 when some 100,000 Rohingyas were slaughtered and another 50,000 driven to East Bengal by the Arakanese Maghs under Thakin leaders, a tragic event that sealed the fate of Rakhine-Rohingya relationship for good. 

Many readers may find intriguing the maps of Arakan, as they evolved over the centuries from the 5 th Century (CE) onward until 1948. Most of the Bangladeshis today may not be aware that parts of Greater Chattogram District – from the southern tip of Teknaf to Dhum River in the north – once belonged to the independent Arakan, which were ruled by Buddhist kings who donned Muslim-sounding names.

These two books, written by a native of Arakan who has been a first-hand witness and victim in independent Burma (Myanmar), should appeal to any serious reader of history, esp. From Myanmar and Bangladesh. 

I have known Mr. Amanullah since the early 2000’s when my writings on the ‘forgotten’ Rohingyas drew his attention. I have benefitted ever since from many discussions that I had with him in my parents’ home in Khulshi, Chattogram. I can perhaps take some credit for insisting that he writes these books.

I am surely delighted that Mr. Amanullah, revered as a ‘master’ (the teacher) by the Rohingya people, ultimately took up the important task of preserving history of his people for the current and future generations.

As hinted above, the political situation in Myanmar is very complex. In particular, the past year has been tumultuous for the Rakhine (Arakan) State, with the Arakan Army (AA) – the military arm of the United League of Arakan (ULA), the political organization of the Buddhist people in western Rakhine state – taking control of the vast territories of Arakan from the State Administration Council (SAC). 

Intense fighting since November 2023 has led to a humanitarian crisis, with blockades causing shortages and price hikes for basic goods, raising fears of famine- like conditions. The conflict has also strained communal relations, with the SAC recruiting Rohingyas to fight against the AA, exacerbating tensions and human rights violations.

Like the Burmese Tatmadaw, the AA has equally been accused of committing atrocities, using rape as a weapon of war and forcibly recruiting Rohingya people to counter the Tatmadaw in the Rakhine state. There are reports of the use of Rohingya people by the AA as cannon fodder and human shields.  

On August 5, 2024, an estimated 200 Rohingyas were killed as drones rained down bombs on those fleeing fighting in the town of Maungdaw. Videos circulated widely online show piles of bodies – mostly women and children surrounded by their belongings – scattered around a mangrove forest along the shoreline, slaughtered as they tried to board boats to Bangladesh.

The AA’s ethnic cleansing drives in the northern Arakan has led to fresh exodus of more than 5,000 Rohingyas who say that “AA wants to wipe out Rohingyas from Rakhine State.”

A new report from human rights group Fortify Rights urges the International Criminal Court (ICC) to “investigate a massacre of Rohingya civilians perpetrated by the Arakan Army (AA).” A separate report from Human Rights Watch says the attacks “raise the specter of ethnic cleansing.”

Despite earlier signs of improving relations between Rakhine and Rohingya communities, the recent conflict in Muslim-majority territories of the northern Arakan has reversed some of these gains.

The AA's recent capture of SAC outposts has put pressure on the AA to take steps to rebuild trust, which it must do by addressing its relationship with the Rohingya, potentially through independent investigations into violence and support for displaced Rohingya to return home in safety and with dignity.

Under the previous government of Sheikh Hasina, the issue of engaging with the AA was not addressed, but the interim government is considering establishing communication with the group. Veteran diplomats from Bangladesh have also suggested new approaches to the Rohingya policies.

While Bangladesh focuses on repatriation, it is crucial to address the root causes of the crisis to prevent a repetitive cycle of displacement and return. The traditional state-centric approach at the UN General Assembly, which assumes a central government's control over Myanmar, is outdated. The AA's control over Rakhine State necessitates a more pragmatic approach, including engaging with the AA for cooperation on mutual interests.

The future political structure of Rakhine State is uncertain, but the AA has expressed interest in a confederate structure and is expanding its civilian governance capabilities. The international community and Bangladesh must recognize the realities on the ground to make progress on the Rohingya issue.

Rebuilding Arakan will be a complex task, requiring a long-term recovery plan that includes the return of Rohingya refugees and addresses the needs of all communities. The international community's role is crucial, not only in addressing the Rohingya's plight but also in supporting the broader Rakhine population affected by the conflict.

A transitional justice program focusing on institutional reforms and reparations is recommended, aligning with the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State's proposals for peace and prosperity for all in Rakhine.

Finally, a truth and reconciliation committee must be set up to heal the old wounds and correct the historical biases. A vast majority of the Rohingya people (approx. 80%) now lives outside their ancestral land who are cut off from their roots. If the dire situation persists, I am afraid, the new generation of the Rohingya people will neither remember nor know anything of their once-rich culture and heritage.

Truly, it is difficult to preserve the history of a people that is facing extinction. Books like these are a treasure trove that must be preserved for and shared with all, esp. The youngsters and posterity to spread the knowledge.

Amanulla’s work should be used as supporting evidence by human rights activists and concerned parties to present the case of the Rohingya to all those who care to listen and/or act.