Pyongyang, now live long

Pyongyang, now live long
Well done Pyongyang, now you will live long long. Power is the only oxygen in this �jungle planet� which validates the life. Now even if you are shoot down, suppose, suppose, no one would be able to put you down. There will be no torrential of death-clusters � no pounding of daisy-cutters - no MOABs � no abu-ghraibs � and no thora-bora. Death is not that hurting as degradation has been.
Japan must not weep that loudly, for she must not forget, had she been nuclear in 1945 she would have not been nuked!!!
Thanks to the so called democratic India, who nuclearized Pakistan � thanks to the so called democratic Israel who nuclearized Iran and thanks to the so called democratic US who nuclearized North Korea, good work!!!
Every Pharaoh himself brings up his own Moses, Who is Moses for the Pharaoh US; it is every body�s guess!!!

�Solving the Korean Stalemate, One Step at a Time
����By Jimmy Carter
����The New York Times


����Wednesday 11 October 2006

����Atlanta - In 1994 the North Koreans expelled inspectors of the
International Atomic Energy Agency and were threatening to process
spent nuclear fuel into plutonium, giving them the ability to produce
nuclear weapons.

����With the risk of war on the Korean Peninsula, there was a
consensus that the forces of South Korea and the United States could
overwhelmingly defeat North Korea. But it was also known that North
Korea could quickly launch more than 20,000 shells and missiles into
nearby Seoul. The American commander in South Korea, Gen. Gary
Luck, estimated that total casualties would far exceed those of the
Korean War.

����Responding to an invitation from President Kim Il-sung of North
Korea, and with the approval of President Bill Clinton, I went to
Pyongyang and negotiated an agreement under which North Korea
would cease its nuclear program at Yongbyon and permit inspectors
from the atomic agency to return to the site to assure that the spent
fuel was not reprocessed. It was also agreed that direct talks would
be held between the two Koreas.

����The spent fuel (estimated to be adequate for a half-dozen bombs)
continued to be monitored, and extensive bilateral discussions were
held. The United States assured the North Koreans that there would
be no military threat to them, that it would supply fuel oil to replace
the lost nuclear power and that it would help build two modern
atomic power plants, with their fuel rods and operation to be
monitored by international inspectors. The summit talks resulted in
South Korean President Kim Dae-jung earning the 2000 Nobel Peace
Prize for his successful efforts to ease tensions on the peninsula.

����But beginning in 2002, the United States branded North Korea as
part of an axis of evil, threatened military action, ended the
shipments of fuel oil and the construction of nuclear power plants
and refused to consider further bilateral talks. In their discussions
with me at this time, North Korean spokesmen seemed convinced
that the American positions posed a serious danger to their country
and to its political regime.

����Responding in its ill-advised but predictable way, Pyongyang
withdrew from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, expelled atomic
energy agency inspectors, resumed processing fuel rods and began
developing nuclear explosive devices.

����Six-nation talks finally concluded in an agreement last September
that called for North Korea to abandon all nuclear weapons and
existing nuclear programs and for the United States and North Korea
to respect each other's sovereignty, exist peacefully together and
take steps to normalize relations. Each side subsequently claimed
that the other had violated the agreement. The United States
imposed severe financial sanctions and Pyongyang adopted the
deeply troubling nuclear option.

����The current military situation is similar but worse than it was a
decade ago: we can still destroy North Korea's army, but if we do it is
likely to result in many more than a million South Korean and
American casualties.

����If and when it is confirmed that the recent explosion in North
Korea was nuclear, the international community will once again be
faced with difficult choices.

����One option, the most likely one, is to try to force Pyongyang's
leaders to abandon their nuclear program with military threats and a
further tightening of the embargoes, increasing the suffering of its
already starving people. Two important facts must be faced: Kim
Jong-il and his military leaders have proven themselves almost
impervious to outside pressure, and both China and South Korea
have shown that they are reluctant to destabilize the regime. This
approach is also more likely to stimulate further nuclear weapons
activity.

����The other option is to make an effort to put into effect the
September denuclearization agreement, which the North Koreans still
maintain is feasible. The simple framework for a step-by-step
agreement exists, with the United States giving a firm and direct
statement of no hostile intent, and moving toward normal relations if
North Korea forgoes any further nuclear weapons program and
remains at peace with its neighbors. Each element would have to be
confirmed by mutual actions combined with unimpeded international
inspections.

����Although a small nuclear test is a far cry from even a crude
deliverable bomb, this second option has become even more difficult
now, but it is unlikely that the North Koreans will back down unless
the United States meets this basic demand. Washington's pledge of
no direct talks could be finessed through secret discussions with a
trusted emissary like former Secretary of State Jim Baker, who earlier
this week said, "It's not appeasement to talk to your enemies."

����What must be avoided is to leave a beleaguered nuclear nation
convinced that it is permanently excluded from the international
community, its existence threatened, its people suffering horrible
deprivation and its hard-liners in total control of military and
political policy.

����Jimmy Carter, the 39th US president, is the founder of the Carter
Center and the winner of the 2002 Nobel Peace Prize.